University of Nebraska – Lincoln
The relationship of situated social
cognition factors and consent to search perceptions in innocent suspects
{ Introduction }
The United States Constitution guarantees a number of rights to Americans,
including the protection against unreasonable searches and seizures under the
Fourth Amendment. This provision maintains that “[t]he right of the people to
be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects,
against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and
no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause…” (U.S. Const.
amend. IV). The courts were left to determine what constitutes an
“unreasonable” search or “probable cause,” and they have taken a “totality of
the circumstances” approach (Illinois v. Gates, 1983).
It is difficult to find statistics on the percentage of people who
consent to a search; however, the state of Illinois produced analyses of
traffic stops and consent searches therein and the rate of consent was around
90 percent (“Traffic stop”; “Illinois”). In addition, we know that many
suspects consent to a search request, even if they have something to hide
(Lichtenberg, 2000). A number of factors may exist that contribute to the
decision to consent to a search; this paper contends that situated social
cognition is another factor that is of significant import.
Situated social cognition (SSC) purports that “much cognitive
activity operates directly on real-world environments” (Niedenthal, Barsalou, Winkielman, Krauth-Gruber, &
Ric, 2005). This is a burgeoning subfield of psychological research with
many interesting findings of late. For example, Niedenthal and colleagues
(2005) found that head nodding could increase ratings of agreement with an
argument or preference for a previously seen object. In addition, haptic
sensations were shown to influence affect and play a role in judgments and
decisions when Ackerman, Nocera, and Bargh (2010) found touch influences
shoppers’ impressions of clothing.
Situated social cognition can be related to decision-making both
literally and figuratively, such as in the instance of weight. Weight
influences perceptions of distance and slope steepness, as well as the
importance of a social issue (Proffitt, 2006; Ackerman, et al., 2010).
Jostmann, Lakens, and Schubert (2009) studied the influences of weight in a
figurative sense when they asked Dutch students to rate a variety of items.
Participants gave higher ratings when they were using a weighted (2.29 pounds)
versus non-weighted (1.45 pounds) clipboard.
A final germane study is that of Cesario, Plaks, Hagiwara, Navarrete, and Higgins (2010). They found
different fight or flight responses are elicited depending on which options are
available. In each study, words associated with “fight,” “flight,” or “neutral”
appeared on a screen and measurements recorded latencies of reaction times to
press a corresponding button. Participants in a small booth elicited shorter
latencies for fight-related words and those in an open field reacted more
quickly to “flight” words. Cesario and colleagues (2010) also found that fight
responses are more likely in tight spaces, where there is no perceived escape.
SSC studies have shown that such variables often play a role in
perceptions of a situation and decision-making within it. Though this area of
research has rarely been applied to the realm of consents to search, it is
reasonable to suggest it is relevant in these decisions. Situational or
environmental variables may play a role in the increase or decrease of the
likelihood of consent, potentially through coercive means. If this is the case,
legal authority figures need to consider these variables as within the
“totality of the circumstances” when requesting consent. The variables are also
relevant to courts when deciding what safeguards must be in place to protect
against unlawful searches and seizures and in evaluating the validity of
consent.
The current research sought to examine factors related to consent
to search perceptions and decisions. The study employed a cheating paradigm
that encouraged participants to be dishonest so an authority figure could
accuse them of cheating and ask to search their belongings. This research, in
looking only at those who did not cheat and who consented to the search,
examines the interaction of demographic variables and situated social cognition
factors (room size and lighting) on perceptions of the search request.
Approximately 93 percent of participants consented to the search, a number
similar to that reported in the Illinois traffic reports (“Traffic stop”,
“Illinois”). Consequently, it was not reasonable to study the effects of the
SSC variables on decisions of whether or not to consent. Instead, the effects
of these variables on perceptions of the consent decisions were examined,
namely the freedom to refuse consent to the search request and voluntariness of
the consent.
We hypothesized that gender differences would occur in perceptions
of the search request and these would relate to the situated social cognition
factors. In addition, following Cesario and colleagues (2010), we hypothesized
that room size would be related to both voluntariness of consent and freedom to
refuse consent, such that those in the larger room would give higher ratings of
both voluntariness and freedom to refuse. The effects of lighting on social
cognition have had little to no research. Therefore, we hypothesized that the
relationship between lighting condition and search request perceptions would
follow the pattern of room size, such that those in the lit condition would be
more comfortable, thus giving higher ratings of both the freedom to refuse
consent and voluntariness of consent. As a result, we hypothesized that those
in the lit and large room condition would give the highest ratings for both
dependent variables.
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